III. RESEARCH PROCESS
While the City/County Health Department has estimated the number of homeless persons in Austin to be six thousand, it is the visibly homeless that attracted a negative response from Austin's citizenry. The "Day Labor Work Corner," located at the northeast corner of Caesar Chavez and San Antonio Streets, attracts a significant portion of Austin's visibly homeless population.
Two methods were employed to carry out the research. First, a self-test survey was employed. (See Survey form sample and graph(s) attached hereto, Appendix A) Complimenting the survey was a letter of overture and explanation. This was prepared in both Spanish and English.
There were three questioners, including the primary researcher, one Spanish speaking and one volunteer. All three were also later involved in the tabulation, analysis and data evaluation. Group instruction regarding the administration and retrieval of the survey was provided. At one point, it was realized that we could reduce the number of unanswered questions by quickly reviewing each completed survey for thoroughness of responses at the time of administration. Questions were then verbally solicited from the respondent for each blank. This greatly increased responses as the interviewers were able to provide clarity for the subject's concerns. Often, we found that they had simply overlooked the question. It is possible that we encouraged a response that was provided to just satisfy the researcher's insistence, however this was not our collective sense.
A Participant/Observation Study was also conducted to further collect information that might shed light on the questions at hand. This was conducted solely by the Primary Researcher and these observations took place at the Day Labor Work Corner, ARCH (which is connected to the Day Labor Work Corner), and an overnight emergency cold weather shelter, all of which are frequented by the same population.
While informing subjects of the research study, the observation was as innocuous as was possible. Sitting in proximity to the subjects, the researcher observed their conversations. This researcher has observed this population in the same fashion over the last several years. Therefore, it was deemed to be a fairly unobtrusive observation.
There were five such Participant/Observations approximately one and one half hours in length. Following the observation and outside the presence of those observed, the researcher's observations were recorded in a log book during the months of February, March and April 1997.
There were many qualifying components to this research project. First, the number of American born homeless and the number of Mexican born homeless individuals are almost equal, yet common observation tells a person that there are more homeless people of Mexican decent at the work corner than there are American born homeless individuals. However, there are many more American born homeless inside the ARCH facility than Mexican. Additionally, the survey took place within a week of an INS raid. Obviously, this would decrease the number of undocumented workers. Furthermore, the presence of any policing authority would have a "scattering" effect on any person who might have other legal concerns. However, more Mexicans would seriously increase the number of workers above the 92% reported. Additionally, the collective residency of 7.5 years, would have remained high even if more Mexicans were added to the final tabulations.
It is also worth noting that the survey was conducted over three days and included moring, noon and evening hours in April 1997. Although there did not appear to be any potential members of the subject group that openly refused to participate, it is possible that some individuals may have "slipped away" undetected. Nevertheless, the general sense was that due to the degree of affirmative advocacy for the subject group in the past by the principal researcher, there existed a general willingness to participate in the study.
IV. FINDINGS-PARTICIPANT/OBSERVATION
The COA Day Labor Work Corner consists of a full city block, three quarters of which is comprised of an asphalt parking lot displaying cracks, speed bumps, grease and oil stains. Outlined chips of off-white paint remind the occupants that the area was oncea vehicle parking lot. Mounted under each roof of the four small, open area structures are four benches. The boards making up the benches are worn out from the constant up and down activity of the users and the slats are carved deeply with initials and stained with perspiration, food, grease and the like.
It is fair to say right from the outset that members of this population seem to have bonded with one another. They all seem to know one another very well and use affectionate nicknames such as Flo, Waco, Gypsy, Happy, Cajun Bill, Wild Bill, Wayda, April, Hardy(for hard to look at), Shorty and so on. It's almost as if there existed a special bond, a shared desperate situation perhaps.
People were perceived to be very generous with one another. During numerous observations it was clear that someone was being offered someone else's last cigarette. While food in Austin (until very recently) has been very accessible, favorite foods are still cherished. Nonetheless, items like chocolate are shared generously. While sitting on the corner benches on more than one occasion, I observed individuals, including Sammy H. and Ned T. (now deceased) use the last of their money to buy a six pack of beer, de-ring the cans, place the cans in a plastic trash barrel and place the barrel in the center of the work bench area without a word available for anyone to consume. This researcher has come to learn that this is a social ritual that is often repeated. (Note: the name of those observed have been substituted to protect the anonymity.)
As stated, in addition to the COA Day Labor Work Corner, there is the Homeless Resource Center, ARCH formerly referred to as HOBO, where the "guys" can access a collective shower during the day, collect mail and even avail themselves of a barber. There are about twenty-five seats of an assorted variety that are scattered throughout two open air, interconnected large rooms which comprise the day use area. The walls are badly in need of paint and the carpet is stained beyond recognition. It was in this facility that this researcher observed compassion and a connection among the subjects.
I now refer to an observation involving Charles E., a white male, age 36. At the age of 12, Charles suffered a brain injury. In 1994, he experienced a stroke which left him without the use of the left side of his face and resulted in flaccid disfiguration. Today, he has regained some of his speech capabilities, although it is slurred and punctuated with small globs of saliva as he stutters out his words. While under my observation, Charles suffered a grand mal seizure that sent chairs and people flying. However, even before I could react, his friends were reaching for his limbs, mounting him in full force, and all the while shouting instructions to one another such as "turn him on his side." "Don't let him swallow his tongue." "Hold his arms, so he doesn't smash his hands." As I witnessed this scene, I noted five "guys" forming a jagged cocoon of protection around him. This vigil continued until the medical authorities arrived. Even then, two or three of them intercepted the approaching EMS technicians and presented their "status report" while the others stood vigil over Charles. It was clear that "the guys" were gaging the EMS responses, hesitant to release their "charge" until they had decided that these care givers were truly concerned enough to be permitted to care for their friend. Once convinced, they grudgingly yielded while continuing to assure Charles that he would be fine.
It was at the very end of the cold winter days when this Participant/Observation occurred. The homeless activists had managed to get some of the local churches to provide emergency overnight shelter on those rare occasions when the temperature dipped below thirty-two degrees. It was on the night of this observation that the temperature plunged to the single digits. As many people as possible were transported to the various sites. One site in particular was overflowing. People huddled outside on the enclosed porch. There was a good feeling and a sense of camaraderie filled the night air. There was a sense of bracing collectively against the cold. Robert A. noticed that the woman next to him was wearing only a thin sweater. In a rather simple act of kindness, he turned to her and said, "Here, Miss" and handed her his blanket. In the morning, as we got ready to face the day and leave, Robert A. did not. He died some time in the night. There is no doubt that Robert was a drinker, possibly drinking more than he should have the night before. And no doubt the drinking probably contributed to his death, even lessening his full awareness of the cold. But it also seemed that he cared about other people which was evidenced by the fact that his last act was an act of kindness through which he sought connection with another human being. His was not an act of an uncaring human being who was "transient" in the most negative sense of the word. Rather he was connected to Austin where he had been homeless for many years, and he was connected to the people. This connection was evident when the other homeless "guys" refused to allow him to be tossed into a pauper's grave and they raised just enough money among themselves to persuade a local funeral home into giving him a proper burial.
There are a number of people that have reached out to the homeless at ARCH and created an art program. On Tuesdays and Thursdays they open a conference room and for half a day Christie, Heloise, Marilyn, Bill and others host an art activity which ultimately culminates in a two day annual art exhibit and sale.
The art room, formerly a day care facility for homeless mothers with children, is painted with large colorful cartoon characters. Filling the rest of the wall space is art work that is always in rotation as it is principally used for drying purposes and display of the most current creations. The room is locked between art sessions and this seems to provide a sense of ownership for the artists. In effect, it seems to be their sanctuary.
On the day of this observation, Charles C., John M., Karen S. and Jose M. worked in pastels as did Heloise and Bill.
John is a white, 5' 2", 33 year old male who considers himself to be a laborer. He has reddish to auburn hair, a hair lip, and speaks with a very thick nasal speech pattern. I had to be in his presence for at least several times before I could understand him clearly. He is a kind and gentle man who speaks in soft tones.
Charles who has been mentioned previously, is another gentle man who feels he's a big brother to all women. Charles is very opinionated, but most of the time an unoffensive teddy bear. His work brings top dollar at the art show. Although Charles professes not to care too much about his art, with responses like, "I don't know, I guess it's O.K.," he is prolific. "I don't know, I can take it or leave it," he states regarding his works which are esoteric, futuristic, cosmic and very original. He doesn't hesitate to suggest to Karen S. "You do what you want, Love, but that sun is supposed to be yellow." Karen, who receives SSI for being a "slow learner" and works as a domestic because she "likes to feel useful," takes Charles' comment in stride with, "I know. Thanks." Of course, it is clearly an orange setting sun, with long shadows from the palm trees.
Jose is from Mexico. Clearly his features are those of Quechua Indian and possibly there is a touch of Aztec influence to his style. I asked him about his lineage. With a disarming smile and thick accent, he replied, "I didn't know my mother and father." He is 5' 4", age 27, with a handsome, copper color to his skin. He actually works at the facility and will perform most any task but is very prideful of his work and is opinionated about how "the job" should be done. Terribly enterprising, he has actually turned his humble role into "Crew Chief" by paying several Mexicans to work with him. With chalk in hand, Jose moved the conversation today which was open and free. Any topic is fair game. Every so often someone will throw out a topic and wait to see whether anyone swats at it. "The Mayor's race is coming up," Charles announces through his infectious laugh which he half tries to hide with his hand. "Guess who's running for Mayor?" he asks. John nasals out, "Max Notzigger!" He butchers his name. He makes two attempts, listening to his own words and finally says, "Who cares? He screwed us!" Everyone chimes in with agreement. "He passed the 'No Camping' Ordinance, right?" Charles asks looking directly at me, knowing the truth, but wanting me to tell the tale. Like children anticipating and dreading a favorite ghost story, they wait for me to recite the tale of how the man we had met with and counted on through many months of meetings, speeches, rallies and council voting sessions had in the end betrayed us by casting the swing vote legalizing the criminalization of their mere existence and presence within the City of Austin. At the conclusion, Charles proclaimed, "Man, he used to be homeless. Where we supposed to go? They just hurt the people." Jose and Karen echo agreement. Conversation continued for quite a while, and I left hearing Charles say, "We marched downtown...."
And then there was Earl, who invited me to his camp, quite a sign of trust. It is several miles out of downtown, isolated deep in the woods, and it is IDEAL. Built into the side of a hill, it was once a root cellar for a cabin. Modest in size, 10' x 5', it holds his cot, which is surrounded on both sides and above by shelves cut into the earth and covered with goods and books, ranging from Ulysses, to Texas, to Eastern Religions, and a Franklin Stove used for both cooking and heating. He claims to have an I.Q. of 165, and finds extensive participation with others to be taxing. He seeks long periods of solitude to "keep his head from exploding." He does strike me both as extremely intelligent and extremely intense. Clearly he was in the "Bush" in Viet Nam and sometimes suffers from those memories both waking and sleeping. We have these things in common and so seem to have bonded beyond mere acquaintances.
When leaving, I offered Earl a monthly bus pass to help him traverse the distance between his camp and the ARCH facility. With some polite disdain, he refused. Instead, he began to tell me how our society is falling apart because people are refusing to pull their own weight and that he never accepts charity. He declared that he does his part to keep the system running.
V. CONCLUSION
According to the City of Austin Police Department, the population of the visibly homeless people in Austin numbers between 250 and 300. For purposes of this study, the high end number of 300 will be used. Therefore, 93 out of 300 or 31% of visibly homeless men were surveyed. Consequently, it is believed that this survey and participant/observation can be extended to the entire 300, but not beyond this defined group. Although qualified, 31% is a truly significant portion of the sample population.
When combining the findings of both the participant observation and the survey, it would appear that members of Austin's visibly homeless population are clearly not "transient" in nature and they do contribute to the community, both financially and socially.
The combined average residency of the subject group was shown to be 7.5 years. This is actually a long period of residency when compared with time limits required for compliance with various laws. For example, under state law, an individual need only reside in the state for 6 months and the county for 90 days to meet the residency requirement to file for divorce. Nationally, the Uniform Child Custody Jurisdiction (UCCJA) recognizes a state as a child's "home state," the state or court most appropriate to enter orders and make decisions regarding the best interest of the child, after only 6 months of residency. Further, most states recognize any individual who comes to their state to live with the "intent" of making it their home, as a resident, even before they gain standing for access to the local courts. Clearly, in such a mobile society as ours, 7.5 years certainly constitutes permanent residency even when homeless.
Furthermore, with 92% of the subject group working, this population is obviously contributing to the community. Additionally 97% of the subject group stated that they purchased items of one sort or another here in Austin. Texas is a sales tax state which means that anyone purchasing any item whatsoever, is paying a tax and contributing to the local economy. In this one regard, this constituency is on par with apartment dwellers who's total tax contribution is through sales tax. In addition, 84% of the subject population acknowledged renting motel rooms. This is a significant financial contribution to the local economy. Additionally, it creates substantial tax revenues. Although 3 respondents (2 of whom are smokers, all of whom have lived in Austin from 11 years to a lifetime) stated that they never made purchases, this researcher can only assume that they have chosen to be non-responsive rather than to believe that they have existed without consuming any products. Regardless, the overwhelming majority of these citizens significantly contribute to the financial well being of our community.
We asked this subject group if they had made any friends, "other than casual acquaintances," since they had come to Austin. In response, 82 of the individuals reported that they had made friends. Additionally, of the 82 that reported having made friendships, 29 said that these were with "housed" persons. Clearly this shows a connection with the principal community.
